What this suggests that in the broader context that there needs to be a stronger commitment both to democracy (including real notions of liberty) as well as to the conditions of broadly based growth, both in terms of international policies as well as policies within Latin American countries (see Llosa 2001). Without this support, there will be a tendency to trade off support for democracy in terms of a narrow "neo-liberalism" that is more concerned with an economic dogma that supports short term gains for particular groups in the international economic system (Llosa 2001). There are lessons to be learned from Chile and Argentina. Democratisation remains an ongoing struggle to achieve political fairness and economic stability (McSherry 2000). Simple re-democratisation is not enough to build stable communities.
There are likely to be flow-on effects to those who have invested or loaned to Argentina and its companies, with Spanish companies and Eurozone Banks most damaged ( 2001b), though the long term impact on Mercosur and trade partners such as Brazil remains to be seen. Spanish companies and banks in particular had been involved in buying up privatised elements of the nationalised companies, e.g. in telecommunications, and are thus directly affected by the crisis in Argentina. From February 2002 it has been estimated that up to 100 of the 200 top firms in the country may fail or need to merge in future months (Faiola 2002). Carlos Menem, who remains chairman of the Peronists but does not have very good relations with President Duhalde ( 2002), has already suggested that he will return to politics to contest the presidency in 2003. There have also been some feared that continued chaos could lead to a return of military government, but this seems unlikely so long as officers are covered by amnesties ( 2002) and are unwilling to take responsibility for a deeply troubled financial system. In general terms, it should be noted that many countries in the region, in spite of increasing GDP over the long-term, remain vulnerable to international financial flows and to the pressures of economic globalisation.These factors have pointed to a deep institutional crisis within Argentina: -What this suggests that in the broader context that there needs to be a stronger commitment both to democracy (including real notions of liberty) as well as to the conditions of broadly based growth, both in terms of international policies as well as policies within Latin American countries (see Llosa 2001). Without this support, there will be a tendency to trade off support for democracy in terms of a narrow "neo-liberalism" that is more concerned with an economic dogma that supports short term gains for particular groups in the international economic system (Llosa 2001). There are lessons to be learned from Chile and Argentina. Democratisation remains an ongoing struggle to achieve political fairness and economic stability (McSherry 2000). Simple re-democratisation is not enough to build stable communities.6. Bibliography and ResourcesResources has a useful search engine with documents monitoring elections, democracy and human rights, including page on Latin America, at
BARCZAK, Monica "Representation by Consultation? The Rise of Direct Democracy in Latin America", , 2001, pp37-59 [Internet Access via Bond University Library Databases]
SCHULTZ, Donald E. "The Growing Threat to Democracy in Latin America", , Spring 2001 [Internet Access via Bond University Library to Proquest Database]
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Almond's retreat from continuing massive resistance was big news, and the WSLS news script called it what it was: "a turning point in the fight against school integration." The white-owned newspapers covered Almond's speech not as a turning point but as a capitulation or at least as an admission of failure. The moderate papers, such as the Roanoke World News, considered Almond's speech a positive sign telling the "people what they already knew but were loath to admit." Defiance, these papers suggested, was "futile" and the state should "have learned a lesson" from the dismal failure of massive resistance both as a policy and a strategy. The more conservative white papers, such as the Richmond News Leader, emphasized that white leaders were "powerless" in the face of federal authority and yet still called for massive resistance to shift gears toward minimizing desegregation. The Richmond News Leader ran an angry editorial a few days after the speech. James J. Kilpatrick chastised the broadcasting stations for giving "equal time" to the NAACP spokesmen to respond to the Governor and rebuked NAACP attorney Oliver Hill for suggesting that the lack of communication between white and black Virginians could be corrected "once white people decided to work constructively." Fulminating over the comment, the News Leader editor lashed out in an oddly accurate assessment: the white South, he wrote, has "been working constructively upon segregation problems for the past several generations and they have had mighty little help from the Negro people." Only the African American-owned newspaper, the Richmond Afro American, used the same language as WSLS and called the speech a "turning point." Its editorial reviewed it as "a masterpiece of agonized rhetoric."
WSLS gave considerable voice, time, and attention to the white leadership, but it also presented news stories covering the affairs of African American Virginians. The September 28, 1959, news broadcast featured a story on a meeting of the African American Roanoke Development Association. The anchor on the broadcast described a speech calling for desegregation by a retired African American judge from New York, H. T. Delaney, who "says if his race moved any slower towards this goal, they'd be going backwards." The news director not only quoted from Delaney in the coverage but also showed film footage of the event and described the group's plans to "quit doing business" with several downtown merchants who would not hire African Americans. WSLS went further, however, and also covered the speech of a little-known independent candidate challenging US Senator Harry F. Byrd, Virginia's most powerful politician. The script read that the candidate was "claiming he [Byrd] was trying to keep Virginia small in every way." Concluding the story, the script summarized, "Delaney told his audience that white people in the South had never learned the precept of love thy neighbor." Neither Delaney's speech nor the independent candidate's were covered in the newspapers. WSLS's news broadcast linked these stories and created a sequential narrative of black and white opposition to the Byrd-led conservative politics.
On the day of court-ordered integration in several localities in Virginia, WSLS' news coverage explicitly linked the school desegregation issue with a wider one—the economic development and the future of Virginia. The script and film created a seamless narrative of consequences in the desegregation story, one that connected white and black students to the state's future economic well-being. The station's news script for February 20, 1959, led off with how integration proceeded at one of the closed schools, Warren County High School. As it turned out, the African American students arrived for classes only to find that no white students returned to the school. "In theory, classes began at Warren County high school today on an integrated basis," the script read, "actually, however, the once all-white school is now an all-Negro school." The story explained that the white students were staying put in the segregated private schools set up during the closing crisis and then went directly into a second story about a business leader's speech to a gathering in Roanoke. The speaker, a vice president of the Norfolk and Western Railroad, argued that "a prompt and sound solution of the school segregation problem" was necessary to accelerate Virginia business growth. He called not only for lower taxes on businesses but also "a change in attitude by some Virginians, who apparently don't want progress." While the Roanoke newspaper covered the business meeting and mentioned the speaker's points, the newspaper did not connect the event to the larger desegregation story.
In 1960 WSLS presented a radically different picture of the Democratic Party when it featured what it called a "Negro Democratic Rally" on its October 7th evening news. At the time both Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy and his Republican rival Richard Nixon were stumping in Virginia. National Democratic Party leaders considered Virginia in play despite Harry F. Byrd's opposition to Kennedy. Several key Democrats in Virginia, including state party chair Sidney Kellam and Governor Lindsay Almond, backed Kennedy in the race. Desegregation had begun in some Virginia schools, but resistance to desegregation was by no means dead. When WSLS broadcast a African American Democratic Party rally, the political stakes were high for a changing party.
As the major networks developed and ran specials on the civil rights struggle, some southern politicians saw these as invasive and misguided. They singled out television and sometimes the media generally as a prime cause of racial conflict in the region. In NBC's special "American Revolution of '63" Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett lashed out at television as one of the chief catalysts of African American protest in the South. Barnett had tried to use television speeches in the crisis over James Meredith's admission to the University of Mississippi at Oxford. He spoke of abusive federal power and the need to maintain southern segregation, but the events of September 1962 showed unrestrained violence at the campus and federal marshals struggling to bring order. A year later Barnett attacked television because it presented what he thought were inflammatory pictures, stirred African American protesters, and made local stories into national media events, all but inviting federal power into localities to resolve them.
Barnett was wrong about many things, but he correctly understood that television as a medium operated in new and different ways. Television was not only an extraordinarily lucrative new venture, it was also radically different as an information medium. Unlike newspaper, television operated exclusively in a time-dependent fashion. Time governed the pacing of all programming on television and created a different set of structures and imperatives for the reporters and news directors. At first, as the new medium was taking shape, early television directors saw the advantages of presenting long live events to fill the hours and hours of open programming slots. Presidential campaigns and political conventions, as well as boxing matches and other sporting events, both filled time and offered viewers a built-in dramatic narrative. After the Army-McCarthy hearings were televised, news directors could see that the best use of the medium was to craft sequenced narratives. One television news historian, Paul Weaver, has argued against the conventional wisdom that television news was superficial while newspapers more analytical. Instead, he argues that television achieved integration and coherence where newspapers offered fragmentation and multiple layers. The newspaper story, he points out, was not meant to be read in its entirety yet still had to achieve intelligibility. The television news story, on the other hand, "is a whole that is designed to be fully intelligible only when viewed in its entirety." To accomplish this, television news directors began to focus not so much on an event per se as on what Weaver calls "a process, mood, trend, condition, irony, relationship, or whatever else seems suitable to them." While newspapers piled unrelated stories into an edition with little regard for how the whole newspaper for that day looked and read, television news directors developed the reverse strategy—the broadcast in its entirety was an arranged selection meant to appeal to the most viewers and over time not to lose viewers.
In Roanoke, Virginia, WSLS (NBC) and WDBJ (CBS) covered key events in the late 1950s and early 1960s in ways that set them apart from the state's leading white-owned newspapers. WDBJ was owned by the same corporation that published the Roanoke World News, and so the station was influenced by the moderate stance of the ownership. WSLS was owned by principals at Shenandoah Life Insurance, a company with strong ties to federal employee organizations in the District of Columbia and few links to conservative Virginia Democratic Party operatives. Of the surviving film footage from these two stations that covered civil rights issues, approximately forty-four percent of the films prominently featured or presented African American spokespeople.
WSLS' coverage of the school closing crisis in 1958-1959 included both opposition voices to Virginia's massive resistance program and those in favor of it. After federal and state courts ordered integration to proceed in Virginia and put an end to massive resistance laws, Virginia's Governor Lindsay Almond considered taking a more drastic step to prevent integration in schools—repealing the provision in Virginia's constitution that required the state to maintain free and public schools. After a few days, however, Almond relented and decided to scrap massive resistance and search for "other methods as effective as or better than those which have served until the hammer of federal intervention fell with devastating force."
Chile, after Uruguay, traditionally has been one of South America's best educated and most stable and politically sophisticated nations. Chile enjoyed constitutional and democratic government for most of its history as a republic, particularly after the adoption of the 1833 constitution. After a period of quasi-dictatorial rule in the 1920s and early 1930s, Chile developed a reputation for stable democratic government. Like Uruguayans, Chileans have benefited from state-run universities, welfare institutions, and, beginning in 1952, a national health system. (Hudson 1994).