A patriot of this, distinctively ethical type, would want to seejustice done, rights respected, human solidarity at work at any timeand in any place. But her patriotism would be at work in a concernthat her country be guided by these moral principles andvalues which is more sustained and more deeply felt than her concernthat these principles and values should be put into practicegenerally. She would consider her own moral identity as bound up withthat of her country, and the moral record of the patria ashers too. Unlike a patriot of the more worldly type, she might notfeel great pride in her country’s worldly merits andachievements. She would be proud of the country’s moral record,when it inspires pride. But her patriotism would be expressed, aboveall, in a critical approach to her country and compatriots: she wouldfeel entitled, and indeed called, to submit them to critical moralscrutiny, and to do so qua patriot.
Some philosophers seek to ground patriotic duty in its goodconsequences (see the entry on ). The duty of special concern for the well-being of our country andcompatriots, just like other duties, universal and special, isjustified by the good consequences of its adoption. Special dutiesmediate our fundamental, universal duties and make possible their mosteffective discharge. They establish a division of moral labor,necessary because our capacity of doing good is limited by ourresources and circumstances. Each of us can normally be of greaterassistance to those who are in some way close to us than to those whoare not. By attending first to “our own,” we at the sametime promote the good of humanity in the best way possible.
George Orwell contrasted the two in terms of aggressive vs. defensiveattitudes. Nationalism is about power: its adherent wants to acquireas much power and prestige as possible for his nation, in which hesubmerges his individuality. While nationalism is accordinglyaggressive, patriotism is defensive: it is a devotion to a particularplace and a way of life one thinks best, but has no wish to impose onothers (Orwell 1968, 362). This way of distinguishing the twoattitudes comes close to an approach popular among politicians andwidespread in everyday discourse that indicates a double standard ofthe form “us vs. them.” Country and nation are first runtogether, and then patriotism and nationalism are distinguished interms of the strength of the love and special concern one feels forit, the degree of one’s identification with it. When these areexhibited in a reasonable degree and without ill thoughts about othersand hostile actions towards them, that is patriotism; when they becomeunbridled and cause one to think ill of others and act badly towardsthem, that is nationalism. Conveniently enough, it usually turns outthat we are patriots, while they are nationalists(see Billig 1995, 55–59).
Clinton grew up in Park Ridge, Illinois, an upper-middle-class suburb of Chicago, but her family had not been financially stable for very long. Her mother, abandoned by her own parents, had dropped out of school at the age of fourteen to work as a domestic, and her father had grown up in Scranton, the son of a lace-mill worker. “I always remember that I am the granddaughter of a factory worker and the daughter of a small-business owner, and I am so proud of it,” Clinton said, loudly enough that it was obviously meant as an applause line. But being the grandchild of someone who struggled is very different than being the child; the experience of suffering is already incorporated into a story about overcoming it. The personal details that Clinton offered about Scranton were about summers with her grandparents at Lake Winola; as in so many Clinton stories, the gesture at social unity was strained, but it was there. Then Clinton introduced “Scranton’s own” Joe Biden, and sat down on a chair that had been provided for her, a pillow supporting her back.
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Essays About What Patriotism Means To Me Note: Not all these authors are from the U. Owever, the sentiments can be applied to patriotism all around the globe. Like to see a man proud of the place in.
Two days after her rally in Scranton, Clinton visited John Marshall High School, in Cleveland, in a west-side neighborhood closer to the airport than to downtown. It was midday again, and the houses nearby were working-class split-levels. The crowd was not very large, and more heavily African-American. There were a few hundred people in the audience, most of them Party activists, teachers, and students. The first speaker was a young black Clinton staffer, who talked about the isolation that racism had imposed upon her growing up. Ted Strickland, the former Democratic governor of Ohio, and now a Senate challenger, opened his case for his candidacy by declaring his support for equal pay for women. The K’naan song “Wavin’ Flag,” which has been in heavy rotation at Clinton events, played while the crowd was waiting for the candidate. It offered patriotism not as a celebration of a single tradition but as an immigrant’s expression of belonging.
The benefits one has received from her country might be consideredrelevant to the duty of patriotism in a different way: as raising theissue of fairness. One’s country is not a landinhabited by strangers to whom we owe nothing beyond what we owe toany other human being. It is rather a common enterprise that producesand distributes a wide range of benefits. These benefits are madepossible by cooperation of those who live in the country, participatein the enterprise, owe and render allegiance to the polity. The rulesthat regulate the cooperation and determine the distribution ofburdens and benefits enjoin, among other things, special concern forthe well-being of compatriots which is not due to outsiders. AsRichard Dagger puts it:
This argument conflates the issue of patriotism with that of , and the notion of a patriot with that of a citizen. Unlike informalcooperation among tenants in a building, for instance, cooperation onthe scale of a country is regulated by a set of laws. To doone’s part within such a cooperative enterprise is just to obeythe laws, to act as a citizen. Whether we have a moral duty to obeythe laws of our country is one of the central issues in modernpolitical philosophy, discussed under the heading of politicalobligation. One major account of political obligation is that offairness. If successful, that account shows that we do have a moralduty to abide by the laws of our country, to act as citizens, and thatthis duty is one of fairness. To fail to abide by one’scountry’s laws is to fail to reciprocate, to take advantage ofcompatriots, to act unfairly towards them. But whereas a patriot isalso a citizen, a citizen is not necessarily a patriot. Patriotisminvolves special concern for the patria andcompatriots, a concern that goes beyond what the lawsobligate one to do, beyond what one does as a citizen; thatis, beyond what one ought, in fairness, to do. Failing toshow that concern, however, cannot be unfair – excepton the question-begging assumption that, in addition to state law,cooperation on this scale is also based on, and regulated by, a moralrule enjoining special concern for the well-being of the country andcompatriots. Dagger asserts that the claim our compatriots have on us“extends to include” such concern, but provides noargument in support of this extension.