These are only a few examples. However, they demonstrate that accelerating technological advances in telecommunications and their worldwide dissemination are profoundly changing the rules of international relations. On the one hand, they are facilitating transfers of science, technology, information, and ideas from the centers to the peripheries of power. On the other, they are imposing a new cultural hegemony through the "soft power" (Nye 1990) of global news, entertainment, and advertising. Globalizing the local and localizing the global are the twin forces blurring traditional national boundaries. The conduct of foreign relations through traditional diplomatic channels has been both undermined and enhanced by information and communication resources available to non-state actors. The emergence of a global civil society in the form of over some 30,000 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) alongside nearly some 200 state actors as well as intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), transnational corporations (TNCs), and transnational media corporations (TMCs), has added to the complexity of international relations (Commission on Global Governance 1995). Telecommunications is contributing to changes in the economic infrastructures, competitiveness, trade relations, as well as internal and external politics of states. It also affects national security, including the conduct and deterrence against wars, terrorism, civil war, the emergence of new weapons systems, command and control, and intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination. The Persian Gulf War provided a glimpse of what future wars might look like. The emergence of an international politics of cultural identity organized around religious, ethnic, or racial fetishisms suggests what the future issues in international relations might be.
Global communication is thus redefining power in world politics in ways that traditional theories of international relations have not yet seriously considered. More specifically, it is bringing about significant changes in four major arenas of hard and soft power (Nye & Owens 1996; Cohen 1996). Hard power refers to material forces such as military and economic leverage, while soft power suggests symbolic forces such as ideological, cultural, or moral appeals. Major changes seem to be taking place in both hard and soft power conceptions and calculations. First, information technologies have profoundly transformed the nature of military power because of emerging weapons systems dependent on laser and information processing. Second, satellite remote sensing and information processing have established an information power and deterrence analogous to the nuclear power and deterrence of an earlier era. Third, global television communication networks such as CNN, BBC, and Star TV have added image politics and public diplomacy to the traditional arsenals of power politics and secret diplomacy. Fourth, global communication networks working through NGOs and interactive technologies such as the Internet are creating a global civil society and pressure groups (such as Amnesty International or Greenpeace) that have served as new actors in international relations. Although no grand theoretical generalizations on the dynamics of hard and soft power are yet possible, trends indicate that the latter is assuming increasing importance.
International Relations theory has been dominated by five major schools of thought: Realism, Liberalism, Marxism, Communitarianism (also known as Institutionalism), and Postmodernism. Table 1 provides a synopsis of the major propositions, principles and processes, units of analysis, and methodologies of these schools. Realists have primarily focused on the geopolitical struggles for power, employed the nation-state as their chief unit of analysis, considered international politics as devoid of moral consensus and therefore prone to violence, and argued that the pursuit of national interest in the context of a balance of power strategy is the most efficient and realistic road to international peace and security (Morgenthau 1985; Kissinger 1994).
Liberals, by contrast, have pointed to the integrating forces of the world market as a new reality creating considerable international interdependency in the postwar period. They have argued that increasing levels of free trade, development, deepening and broadening of interdependency, and international cooperation through intergovernmental organizations are the surest path to peace (Keohane & Nye 1989). For liberals, freedom in property ownership, politics, and trade is the primary normative value. In their studies of international relations, Liberals supplement historical analysis with a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods such as time-series, correlation analyses, and simulation games.
On the other hand, global communication has also served as a channel for theoretical integration. Political leadership in international relations has increasingly come to mean moral leadership in such great debates as colonialism, development, population, environment, nuclear weapons, human rights, women and minority status, etc. Global communication has thus historically broadened and deepened the parameters of discourse from Realism to Liberalism, Marxism, Communitarianism, and now Postmodernism. Each school of thought has had to respond to the concerns of new layers of the international community as they have emerged from conditions of oppression and silence. International relations theory has thus progressively incorporated the new democratic claims for equality, self-determination, and cultural identity.
For example, the slogan of "New World Order" has gone through several mutations in this century. For the Axis powers in WW II, it meant a new world system making room for the imperial ambitions of Germany, Italy, and Japan. For the Allies, it meant a reorganization of the world around the United Nations principles of collective security policed by the five permanent members of the Security Council. To the Group of 77 at the United Nations calling for a New World Economic Order in a 1974 General Assembly resolution, the new order meant a revamped international economic system to redress the terms of trade in favor of the LDCs. When a small group of oil exporting countries managed to quadruple the price of crude oil in 1973 through OPEC's collective action, it appeared for a fleeting time that the raw material exporting nations might be able to redress the deteriorating terms of trade between the developed and developing countries. To UNESCO, which picked up the discourse in the 70s and 80s under the banner of a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO), it meant balance as well as freedom in world news and information flows. The Brandt (1980, 1985) and MacBride (1980) Commission reports set out those policy agendas (Traber 1986; Galtung & Vincent 1992; Frederick 1993). Following the largely fruitless North-South negotiations of the 1980s, the discourse of the new order was resurrected and coopted by President Bush. To mobilize international support for a war effort against Saddam Hussein, Bush employed the slogan at the wake of the Persian Gulf War in 1990-1991 with maximum effect. It now meant a new international regime of "law and order" under the aegis of the United Nations supported by the unanimity of the five permanent members of the Security Council and, whenever that fails, under alliances such as NATO or ultimately superpower action.
Best Global Politics Essay is here to ease students of international relations. Just read it and do comment if you like this information. After World War 1 League of Nation decided to halt this world from other upcoming war. However, the leaders of League of Nation were failed to stop deadly World War 2 in 1939-1945. Millions of people had been killed and hundreds of million have been deprived of their essentials and millions were dispossessed from their homeland.
Thus, the effects of global communication on the evolution of international relations theory and its underlying international system have been two-fold. On the one hand, global communication has empowered the peripheries of power to progressively engage in the international discourse on the aims and methods of the international system. In this way, Liberalism challenged the traditional state-centered, protectionist, mercantilist policies of the 16th to 18th centuries with its revolutionary doctrines of laissez-faire in international trade and protection of property and liberty in domestic life. However, it also incorporated much of the geopolitical Realist view of power politics in its justification of the colonial and imperial orders while increasingly emphasizing the role of IGOs in the management of the international system. Similarly, Marxism challenged Liberalism's dominance in the 19th and 20th centuries by its mobilization of the peripheries against the colonialist and imperialist orders. However, in practice, Communist regimes often cynically followed Realist geopolitical doctrines in favor of international proletarian solidarity. Liberalism, in turn, undermined the Communist regimes by its control of the main world capital, of trade, and of news flows through appeals to democratic values. In a world system dominated by state and corporate bureaucracies, Communitarianism is the latest phase in a continuing theoretical and ideological struggle by the peripheries to put the human rights of the oppressed on the international agenda. In its preoccupation with the collective rights of community, however, Communitarianism cannot altogether ignore the Realist focus on political order, the Liberal preoccupation with individual freedom, and the Marxist concern with social equality. Postmodernism deconstructs the truth claims of all of the foregoing schools by casting doubt on their meta-narratives. But it also posits its own meta-narrative of relativism as a truth claim. Tensions among the five theoretical schools clearly reveal the tensions among the competing aims of democracy: order, freedom, equality, community, and identity.
Essay realism - international relations Political realism in internationalIn the discipline of international relations there are contending general theories or theoretical perspectives.