Indeed, by then McCain and his inner circle had realized that he could emerge as the Republican front-runner in 2008. Shortly after Kerry’s failed overture, Bush’s chief strategist, Karl Rove, sought Mc-Cain’s help in reëlecting President Bush. Suddenly, the interests of the two nemeses converged: Bush needed McCain to campaign for him; McCain needed Bush’s support if he was to court the conservative faithful. This pact led, in August, to their now infamous hug, in Pensacola, Florida.
Many of McCain’s strategists and allies concluded that he had to shift, at least somewhat, to the right. One of his early backers, Ray LaHood, the Illinois Republican congressman, told me bluntly, “To get the nomination, McCain had to appeal to the base of our party.” Presidential candidates always placate their bases during the primaries in order to win the nomination, but for McCain, with his reputation of unwavering principle, the task was treacherous. Still, Weaver told me, his strategic team was confident that McCain could do it: “Sometimes you can negotiate on details while maintaining true to your principles.”
"Jack McCain was transferred to New London a few months later, but for that brief period Panama became the epicenter of three generations of a family whose distinguished naval service would eventually span the great national upheavals of the twentieth century, from World War I through Vietnam and its still murky aftermath"(Timberg, 1999, p....
For McCain my friend had no regard (though he forgives him); his sins ofcommission and omission were many. Sarah Palin, in his view, was themost egregious transgression (hardly a minority viewpoint), but there wereothers, largely sins by association. In general, my friend loathes whathe perceives as the rapacious capitalist cynicism of all themoney-grubbing liars who run the banks and grease politicians of bothparties and shuffle in and out of corporate boardrooms and PresidentialCabinets and talk out of every side of their mouths as the nation’s andthe planet’s wealth and resources and social-justice gaps grow beyondtheir already criminally negligent dimensions. He detested HillaryClinton’s candidacy. As for Trump, why bother? For months last year, theRepublican nominee, anticipating electoral defeat and extremehumiliation, whined and screamed about a “rigged” election, all thewhile sliming his way to the White House.
What McCain did in refusing release from the Hanoi Hilton ennobled him, but his survival of the moral collapse that his captors forced on him was, arguably, the precondition of the further heroic work he accomplished years later. The memory of the Vietnam War, that self-inflicted American wound, festered for decades after the nominal end of hostilities, in 1975. The United States, nursing its trauma, imagined itself as the war’s victim, and punished the victorious but impoverished Vietnamese with a crippling economic embargo. Justifying this vengeful spirit and exacerbating it was the false belief that dozens, or perhaps hundreds, of Americans were still being held in secret P.O.W. camps in the jungles of Southeast Asia—a grim fiction that was promoted by the “Rambo” films, jingoists such as Ross Perot, and politicians including Ronald Reagan and Bob Dole. Thousands of bereft family members were encouraged to anticipate the eventual return of loved ones who were, in fact, long dead. Their icon was the black P.O.W./M.I.A. flag, with the silhouette of a man beneath a guard tower.
Within days, sordid attacks began to appear: flyers on car windows claiming that McCain, who had adopted an orphan from Bangladesh, actually had fathered a black child; recorded phone messages, or robo-calls, spreading rumors that McCain’s wife, Cindy, who had once been addicted to prescription painkillers, was a junkie; and lies, propagated by an obscure group of Vietnam veterans, suggesting that McCain had become a traitor while serving in Vietnam.
Senator McCain's platform is "classic GOP conservatism�a strong defense, less government regulation, tax reductions, local oversight of education�"("The Issue: Senator ").
has actively sought out 18-24 year olds, the group collectively known as "Generation Y." The Arizona Senator reached out to young voters with a message of personal honesty and government reform, drawing large crowds on college campuses in New Hampshire and South Carolina (Sullivan, "McCain Gets").
McCain, after embracing his wife and children, headed down to a ballroom to deliver his concession speech. “I will not take the low road to the highest office in this land,” he said. “I want the Presidency in the best way—not the worst way. The American people deserve to be treated with respect by those who seek to lead the nation. And I promise you: you will have my respect until my last day on earth. The greatest blessing of my life was to have been born an American, and I will never . . . dishonor the nation I love or myself by letting ambition overcome principle. Never. Never. Never.”
The Senator does not support gun bans but does promote "effective measures that keep firearms out of the hands of criminals, children, and the mentally ...
In recent years, McCain has been a creature of a Republican Party that moved further and further to the right, and further away from the bipartisan comity that he had for decades claimed to revere.
and contact information, putting various aspects of McCain's campaign at the very technologically advanced fingertips of America's youth ("Students 4 Dole").
In April of 1999, McCain announced his candidacy for President, stating his mission to "restore integrity into the office, reform government, and renew the American dream"("The Story").
I had agreeable disagreements with two friends yesterday, several hoursbefore the Senate’s 1:30 A.M. vote on the Republicans’ scaled-downmotion to repeal the Affordable Care Act. When the final vote wascalled, three Republican senators—Susan Collins, of Maine; LisaMurkowski, of Alaska; and John McCain, of Arizona—drove a long knifethrough the cold heart of /McConnellcare/Ryancare.